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A person is seen as a self-sufficient unit, an absolutely autonomous social organism. In post-Soviet studies, this idea was turned upside down. Different researchers coined different terms in order to show this change in the private and public spheres in Soviet culture.
The public sphere became more intimate and open to the agency of people ibid. Voting at the party meetings, for example, was obligatory. Everyone had to vote, and the vote always had to be in favour of the decision. If someone was against the decision of the party block or did not want to vote, it could be considered as a betrayal of party ideals and met with severe punishment. At the same time, voting for a decision did not mean that a person needed to agree with it or be willing to actualize it.
I can also add that those who were most active and quick in voting were often considered to be just as active in not actualizing this decision. Adopting all decisions without thinking about them was thus considered to be a way of neglecting them. Those who tried to take party ideology seriously were not so agreeable. As a result, the public sphere was controlled pro forma and gave possibilities for agency.
The private and intimate sphere, on the contrary, became more closed and truly controlled. Hooper dates this situation back to the s and argues that a tremendous fear of friendship and intimacy was imposed by the state in the years of the Great Terror ibid.
In Russian ethnographic literature, there are many cases in which the behaviour of a young woman or a man was discussed at communal meetings. If a young unmarried woman was believed to have had sexual relations with someone, her co-villagers would put a tar slur on the gates of her house. As a result, the inner, intimate life of this woman would become public. After this incident, she could ask the community to hold a meeting to determine her innocence.
This procedure would start with an open accusation: the woman would come to the meeting and asked all the villagers to accuse her.
If no one stood up, she was considered innocent and guiltless. All the people at the communal meeting would then apologize to her.
If someone accused her, however, the elder woman would inspect the young woman and if she was innocent, the same procedure of apology would follow.
Intimate life sexual relations or drinking vodka at home was discussed openly by villagers. This information was very important for the formation of society. This way of examining private life was embraced by the Soviet state in the s but it was not invented or created by Soviet officials.
All these possible behaviours would be judged by the other villagers as permissible, acceptable and honest. There would be nothing to discuss. On the contrary, the situation between villagers is much more intimate but gives fewer opportunities for choice: a person should be intimate and honest. If something strange were to occur in that kind of situation, it would be discussed in detail by the villagers. I believe one should not attribute this reversal solely to years of the Great Terror, but treat it also as a feature of a communal identity or Russian peasant culture, as examples from the 19 th and 21 th centuries demonstrate.
It is still important to note that in the times of Great Terror, this reversal played a very important role and became a centrepiece of state control over Soviet citizens. It is difficult in close, intimate relations but rather simple in less intimate and more official ones. However, in order to give the reader a more complete picture of the relations of honesty and intimacy, more examples are provided below. Ivan Danilovich was living in a settlement for lumberjacks some dozen kilometres from Prokopievo.
After the interview, we went to a shop and ordered coffee. While we were drinking, Alexei, a man from the settlement, came over and asked us who we were. I briefly told him about the topic of lying. He was very interested and told us about a few taboos that were common among fishermen. He then mentioned that Ivan Danilovich was an expert on this topic.
At that moment, Ivan Danilovich came into the shop. Danilych, tell us how you fish? This was a comedic performance, and no one showed a negative attitude to the explicit lying of Ivan Danilovich. They also laughed and said that this type of conversation was very common. So I go through the village with a full basket. She smiled. I sometimes do the same thing. And no one tells about the places where you can find mushrooms. The reversal of public and private spheres cannot explain this.
The rationale behind this type of behaviour and reaction could be explained by applying Russian ethnographic theory to these situations. There were also beliefs about mermaids and mermen, or their children Rus. To protect themselves, the fishermen would draw crosses with charcoal on the doors and near the windows.
Zelenin argued that these actions were holdovers of pagan practices. One way for a person to become more successful in fishing would be to demonstrate that he was not interested in the haul. My field data cannot explain the origins of all these forms of speech behaviour, but I would like to stress their contemporary meaning.
I believe this situation include both superstition and lying. His unwillingness to talk is of course a manifestation of the superstition not to talk about the number of fishes, places of fishing, etc.
This switch to lying was marked by moving from serious talking to smiling and joking. I can give another example from my fieldwork in a remote village of the Russian North. I asked a local fisherman about the best places to fish and fishing technique. He refused to tell me anything else and we moved on to another topic.
Here we see how the superstition can work without implying a lie of any sort…. I agree with the anthropologist Rupert Stasch when he emphasizes that creating others and otherness inside a small group plays a very important role in community formation.
For example, a woman from a remote village who marries a man acquires a new social status, a new family-in-law, and has to observe different kinds of new practices.
At the same time she preserves her relations with her tribe and, in many circumstances, her children can benefit from these relationships. Such high-level regulation of relations creates a possibility for conflict. Research into socialism has shown that the reversal of private and public spheres leads to increased hostility and suspiciousness in Soviet society.
Intimate topics in the West, including love, friendship etc. In the case of the Russian North, another way of creating intimacy is the attribution of conversational topics to the private or public sphere.
Some topics require demonstration of intimacy and honesty though it can only be a show as in the case of Natalia and others require or allow alienation or social distance. These topics can be discussed in different places and with different people.
Just as fishing and mushrooming are subject to many superstitions, another commonplace theory in Russian ethnography is that all important rituals in peasant culture are related to agriculture and agricultural products.
Agriculture was also an important part of social class identity. This idea preceded its life in the juxtaposition of village and city. In official discourse, authorities spoke about contemporary factories, increase in production, goals of the five-year plan, and so on. The end of the Second World War saw the beginning of the era of cosmonautics and nuclear power as well as the decline of agriculture as a cultural value. Speaking about the importance of agriculture was seen as either a sign of stupidity, from the point of view of urban inhabitants, or as a way to find someone who shared common ideas and values, from the point of view of former villagers in cities and towns, who used this topic to find like-minded people.
This situation is similar to the topic of secret rock concerts in the flats Rus. The very act of discussing these topics created a kind of intimacy between speakers. In , I was conducting fieldwork in a small town, Petrovsk, in the eastern part of the Vologodskaia oblast. I asked the local government for a car in order to visit the remote villages of the Petrovsk district.
One of the officials asked me about the topic of my research. At that time, I was studying the history of collective farms and the transformation of agricultural practices in Soviet times. This statement meant that he and I knew how important agriculture was for village inhabitants.
Touching upon the subject of rural history and agricultural practices in Petrovsk was seen as a creation of intimacy as in the case of asking about milk , so I was eventually given the car. Public lying about specific topics reduces the level of conflict in the village.
This study is an exploration of the role that lying plays in the everyday life and identity construction of the dwellers of the Russian North. Intimacy constitutes the crucial concept around which the article is built. By contrast, the stranger, coming from the city, and village migrants are predominantly perceived as liars. As Viveiros de Castro and Rupert Stasch have both shown, this sort of small breaches in the communicative order can be used as a rhbalke to maintain and consolidate long-lasting close relations in small communities.
In the article, I also stress the fact that there are special topics where lying is not just possible but even condoned. This research was supported by the grant of Russian Foundation for Humanities project no. I also appreciate the recommendations of two anonymous reviewers who suggested further ways to improve yrbalke text. The culture of these lands is syncretic, consisting of Russian rybaalke and agricultural culture as well as the reindeer herding culture of different Finno-ugric eex, especially the Komi.
Hereafter I use this term in its Russian sense. From the county centre, it then took another two days to reach the regional centre Rus. Everyone rybalke everything about everyone else. Everyone is accountable in the eyes of his n her neighbours. It is almost impossible to lie to your neighbours. This quote reflects not only the image Prokopievo dwellers have of themselves, but also the view of other Russian citizens about them.
The attribution of the traits of honesty, openness and the ability to keep promises to the inhabitants of the Russian North is widespread in other regions of Russia. Muscovites say that it is almost impossible to corrupt these guards, as they are highly devoted to the authorities.
It was the summer ethnographic practice for students of Lomonosov Moscow State University. Our main subject was everyday life in the Soviet collective farm, kolkhoz. This method of fieldwork is not really effective because the supervisor spends a lot of time working with the students rather than with the subjects.
This initial weakness in my research actually turned out to be a strength, as the research topic slowly moved from the Soviet kolkhoz to lying practices. All five sex who accompanied me approached different people and tried to interview them. Fifty percent of the time, they received a negative reaction in a very interesting form. Srx some cases, this statement was justified that is, when a person was not really sure about the dates and the details rybalke to historical events :.
Student: Could you tell us about the Soviet times? Villager: Oh! Student: Could you tell us about your life xex kolkhoz times? I was working all the time Just tell us your life story! Go to someone else. Our questions were understood as requests for official information about the village such as official statistics, exact historical facts about collective farms rybalkf other similar things and people believed that they were unable to rybale us with such information.
By saying sex they had worked all their lives, people wanted to show that they were not sex interlocutors and were sfx able to talk in an interesting manner about kolkhoz times. Having understood their intentions, all the students agreed that this type of answer was a kind of lie in that it was false from the point of view of formal logic interviewees stated the opposite of the actual reality because they knew about their past life during the kolkhoz.
While this kind of behaviour was not exactly good or admirable, it was seen as acceptable in such cases. For Tatiana it was not lying, but just unwillingness to rybalje.
She worked for many years at the village school and knew everyone very well. We were talking about lying in the village and the possibility of not telling the sex to the neighbours. Irina told me once again that it was almost impossible to tell lies to them. However, she admitted that there was naa family in the rybaoke who always told lies.
The nickname srali thus differs from the sex vrali by only one letter and at the same time it adds a pejorative and invective dimension. She said that all the ba members are liars, even the children. They live on their own, and they often go to the woods and collect berries. They never give them to the neighbours, they always sell them. She only said that she would check. Going to her fridge to check how much milk she tybalke meant for her neighbours that she was not ready to share her agricultural products.
In the Vologda region, this is an unacceptable way to deal with neighbours. The correct behaviour in this case could be either giving the last drop of milk or saying that there was rygalke milk left at all without nx first. I would like to state three points that could be put together to make the situations mentioned above clearer.
Sex person is seen as a self-sufficient unit, an absolutely autonomous social organism. In sfx studies, this idea was turned upside down. Different researchers coined different terms in fybalke to show this change in the private and public rybalke in Soviet culture.
The public sphere became more intimate and open to the ryba,ke of people ibid. Voting se the party meetings, for example, rybalje obligatory. Everyone had to vote, rybalkf the vote always had to be in favour of the decision. If someone was against the decision of the party block or did not want to vote, it could be considered as a betrayal of party ideals and met with severe punishment. At the same time, voting for a decision did not mean that a person needed ns agree with it or be willing to actualize it.
I can also add that those who were most active and quick in voting sex often considered to be just as active in not rubalke this decision. Adopting all decisions without thinking about them was thus considered to be a way of neglecting them. Those who tried to take party ideology seriously were not so agreeable. As a result, the public sphere was controlled pro forma and gave possibilities for agency. The private and intimate sphere, on the contrary, became more closed and truly controlled.
Hooper dates this situation back to the s and argues that a tremendous fear of friendship and intimacy was imposed by the state in the years of the Great Terror ibid. In Russian ethnographic literature, there are many cases in which the behaviour of a young woman or a man was discussed at communal meetings.
If a young unmarried woman was believed to have had sexual relations with someone, her co-villagers would put a tar slur on the gates of her house.
Rybalke a result, the inner, intimate life of this woman would become public. After this incident, she could ask the community to hold a meeting to determine her innocence.
This procedure would start with an open accusation: the woman would come to the meeting and asked all the villagers to accuse her.
If no one stood up, she was considered innocent and guiltless. All the people at the communal meeting would then apologize to her. If rybalke accused her, however, the elder woman would inspect the young woman and if she was innocent, the same procedure of apology would follow. Intimate life sexual relations or drinking vodka at home was discussed openly by villagers.
This information rybalke very important for the formation of society. This way of examining private life was embraced by the Soviet state in the s but it was not invented or created by Soviet officials. All these possible behaviours would be judged by the other villagers as permissible, acceptable and honest. There would be nothing to discuss.
On the contrary, the situation between villagers is much more intimate but gives fewer opportunities for choice: a person should be intimate and ryblke. If something strange were to occur in that kind of situation, it would be discussed in detail by the villagers. I believe one should not attribute this reversal solely ryballe years of the Great Terror, but treat it also as a feature of a communal identity or Russian peasant culture, as sex from the 19 rybakke and 21 th centuries demonstrate.
It is still important to note that in the times of Great Terror, this reversal played a very important role and became a centrepiece of state control over Soviet citizens. It is difficult in close, intimate relations but rather simple in less intimate and more official ones.
However, in order to give the reader a more complete picture rybalke the relations of honesty and intimacy, more examples are provided below. Rybslke Danilovich was living in a settlement for lumberjacks some dozen kilometres tybalke Prokopievo. After the interview, we rubalke to a shop and ordered coffee. While we were drinking, Alexei, a man from the settlement, came over and asked us who we were.
I briefly told him about the topic of lying. He was rrybalke interested and told us about a few taboos that were common among fishermen. He then mentioned that Ivan Danilovich was an expert on this topic. At that moment, Ivan Danilovich came into the shop. Danilych, tell us how you rybalie This was a comedic performance, and no one showed a negative attitude to the explicit lying of Ivan Danilovich.
They also laughed and said that this type of conversation was very common. So Rybalke go through the village with a full basket. She smiled.
I sometimes do the same thing. And no one tells about the places where you can find mushrooms. Nx reversal of public and private spheres cannot explain this. The rationale behind this type of behaviour and reaction could be explained by applying Russian ethnographic theory to these situations. There were also beliefs about mermaids and mermen, or their children Rus.
To protect themselves, the fishermen would draw crosses with charcoal on the doors and near the windows. Zelenin argued that these actions were holdovers of pagan practices.
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